Watch the video of the event here
On November 23, 2015, the NYU Jordan Center for the Advanced Study of Russia welcomed historian Sheila Fitzpatrick, Professor at the University of Sydney and Distinguished Service Professor Emerita of the University of Chicago. Fitzpatrick, who has worked since the 1970s in the Soviet field, presented her research on “The Team Without Stalin: ‘Collective Leadership’ 1953-7.” Introducing the speaker, Jordan Center Director Yanni Kotsonis praised Fitzpatrick’s comprehensive scholarship. “No one else has mastered the Soviet field as Sheila Fitzpatrick,” Kotsonis said. She “singlehandedly transformed the way we did Soviet history because first of all, she treated it as history, and second of all, she […] put forth the proposition—which was very controversial in the middle of the Cold War—that the Soviet Union was a country” that was comparable to other countries.
Fitzpatrick’s lecture focused mainly on the themes of her new book, On Stalin’s Team: The Years of Living Dangerously in Soviet Politics. The historian discussed the period after the death of Soviet leader Joseph Stalin, analyzing the years from 1953 to 1957. She spoke about the behavior of the team after Stalin and what it suggests about the internal political dynamics of the late Stalin period. Fitzpatrick began by identifying the team itself, which she said was a “faction formed in the 1920s to fight the other factions after Lenin’s death” that continued to work together in the 25 years after Stalin’s death in 1953. “It is a lot time in any kind of politics for a group to stay together. In the circumstances of Stalin’s Russia, it is somewhat remarkable I think,” Fitzpatrick said. Throughout the talk, Fitzpatrick gave detailed characterizations of the team, which was comprised of Lavrentiy Beria, Nikita Khrushchev, Georgy Malenkov, Anastas Mikoyan and Vyacheslav Molotov. The team, Fitzpatrick argued, was more than a group of Stalin’s “yes-men.” “They were individually and collectively more than that,” she said. Their collective leadership also continued the tradition of governance in place during the Lenin era.
Fitzpatrick described in detail the period immediately following Stalin’s death, when the future of the Soviet Union hung in suspense. “Stalin’s death seemed a cosmic tragedy,” she said, and while the Soviet people generally seemed lost without their leader, the team initiated a large number of changes that reformed Stalin’s policies in both the domestic and international spheres. A turning point, this was also the “first signal that their could be a critical attitude to Stalin.” The team reduced the size of the extensive Soviet prison system and released millions from the Gulag, lessened police repression, called off the anti-Semitic campaign that Stalin had enacted in his last years, and sought to improve domestic living standards. They also made plans to relax relations with the West, ending the Korean War and planting the seed for detente in the Cold War. Some of these reforms had some terrifying consequences to eyes of the Soviet citizens, as street crime rose and ex-convicts reentered into society.
Next, Fitzpatrick tackled the question of what led the team to preserve its unity. For the scholar, both the disappearance of Stalin’s formerly ubiquitous name from the press and the execution of Beria suggest that the team’s cooperation was largely due to a shared “revulsion to the arbitrary power of one man” that they had experienced under Stalin. This led the team members to support unanimously the appointment of Khrushchev as First Secretary of the Communist Party, beginning the decade of the Thaw. Fitzpatrick noted that during this period, “a big question for the team [was] how much [information] should be released and to whom” in regards to the story (and the cruelties of) Stalin’s rule. “Team members had different ideas of the story that should be told,” she said. While some thought they should include Stalin’s achievements in the government-sponsored historical narrative, others wanted to point to a shift in Stalin’s policy after 1934, when his rule became more oppressive. In the end, the team decided to target the leader’s cult of personality, which allowed them to reinstate Leninism to preserve the Soviet project.
Lastly, Fitzpatrick looked back to the last years of Stalin’s rule to reassess the image of collective leadership after his death. While Stalin became more suspicious of the governing body over time and “still had the power to kill, including…team members,” “he was a sick and aging man, and not as effective of a leader,” she said. To Fitzpatrick, the leader’s worsening condition and constricted role suggests that the team’s semi-collective decision-making started before Stalin’s death. By that point, the team was unified with a new spirit of solidarity, she added. “They agreed among themselves not to allow Stalin to set one against another and would immediately inform one another about anything he said about anyone,” she explained. Furthermore, Fitzpatrick said that it is not surprising that Stalin was dissatisfied with his closest colleagues in his last years. According to the historian’s research, there was an implicit understanding among the members of the inner circle that policy change was desirable but could not be achieved while Stalin was still alive. While she said that “no smoking gun has turned up in the archives” to prove this point, the speed with which the collective leadership embarked on their reforms after Stalin’s death suggests both pre-planning and consensus among the group. “Stalin told the team they would be lost without him, but when he died, they were fine,” Fitzpatrick concluded.
“You can feel the archives speak to you when you listen to a talk like this,” Kotsonis commented following the lecture. In the succeeding Q&A session, Fitzpatrick was able to expand on her archival research. Anne Lounsbery, Russian and Slavic Department Chair at NYU, asked what else the historian gleaned from reading the archives and Molly Nolan, Professor of History at NYU, wondered if Fitzpatrick uncovered any evidence of competition among the team members in the final years before Stalin’s death. Fitzpatrick responded she had found out that surprisingly, only one of the team members’ sons went into politics and that the children of the team overarchingly “conceived of themselves as intelligentsia.” While she said she did not find evidence of competitiveness, she did mentioned that Stalin was “the only team member without a loyal child” to write a memoir about him. In the remaining time, Fitzpatrick answered questions on the nature of Soviet collective leadership, which the historian sees as systemic, and about her reception of different biographies about Stalin.